The benefits, and the costs, of living longer
IT IS written in the Bible's Book of Genesis that Methuselah lived to be 969. He held the record, but there seem to have been plenty of other multicentenarians around at the time, including Noah and old Adam himself. Their ages are not to be taken literally. In another part of Genesis, man's lifespan is put at a mere 120 years. The person with the longest documented life in modern times, Jeanne Calment, reached 122, but no one else has come close.
In most of recorded history even the more familiar three score years and ten was rare. Angus Maddison, an economic historian, has estimated that life expectancy during the first millennium AD averaged about 25 years £¨which in practice meant that lots of children died very young and many of the rest survived to middle age£©. The big turnaround came with the industrial revolution, mainly because many more children survived into adulthood, thanks to better sanitation, more control over epidemics, improved nutrition and higher living standards.
By the beginning of the 20th century average life expectancy in America and the better-off parts of Europe was close to 50, and kept on rising. By mid-century the gains from lower child mortality had mainly run their course. The extra years were coming from higher survival rates among older people. The UN thinks that life expectancy at birth worldwide will go up from 68 years at present to 76 by 2050 and in rich countries from 77 to 83. £¨These are averages for both sexes; women generally live five or six years longer than men, for reasons yet to be fathomed£©. Most experts now agree that there will be further rises, but disagree about their extent.
Things fall apart
Some of them argue that the human lifespan is finite because bodies, in effect, wear out; that most of the easy gains have been made; and that the rate of increase is bound to slow down because people now die mostly of chronic diseases-cancer, heart problems, diabetes-which are harder to fix. They also point to newer health threats, such as HIV/AIDS, SARS, bird flu and swine flu, as well as rising obesity in rich countries-to say nothing of the possibility of fresh pandemics, social and political unrest and natural disasters.
Nearly 30 years ago James Fries at Stanford University School of Medicine put a ceiling of 85 years on the average potential human life span. More recently a team led by Jay Olshansky at the University of Illinois at Chicago said it would remain stuck there unless the ageing process itself can be brought under control. Because infant mortality in rich countries is already low, they argued, further increases in overall life expectancy will require much larger reductions in mortality at older ages. In Mr Olshansky's view, none of the life-prolonging techniques available today-be they lifestyle changes, medication, surgery or genetic engineering-will cut older people's mortality by enough to replicate the gains in life expectancy achieved in the 20th century.
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That may sound reasonable, but the evidence points the other way. Jim Oeppen at Cambridge University and James Vaupel at the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock have charted life expectancy since 1840, joining up the figures for whatever country was holding the longevity record at the time, and found that the resulting trend line has been moving relentlessly upward by about three months a year. They think that by 2050 average life expectancy in the best-performing country could easily reach the mid-90s.
Rises in life expectancy have been habitually underestimated because it seemed unlikely that the improvement could go on for ever, and just as regularly the figures have had to be revised soon afterwards. Some experts now think there may be no theoretical limit at all, pointing to the huge rise in the number of centenarians in the past few decades. In America they are the fastest-growing section of the population, with an increase from 3,700 in 1940 to over 100,000 now.
Why are people living ever longer? Robert Fogel at the University of Chicago, a Nobel prize-winner in economics, reckons that improved medical care and technology are only part of the answer. Another part, he thinks, is something he has dubbed "technophysio evolution". Over the past few centuries humans have developed more resilient physiques because they gained unprecedented control over their environment and their living conditions. Western people's average body size has increased by 50% over the past 250 years. Larger body size £¨but not obesity£©, Mr Fogel's research has shown, is associated with better health and longer life.
But modern life has its downsides too. Stress is often seen as a life-shortening factor-though perhaps the effects are not as lethal as some people think, or else the Japanese, who are famous for working long hours, would not have the highest life expectancy in the world.
Another hazard of affluence is getting fat. Around 10-20% of the adult population in many rich countries, and over 30% in America, are now clinically obese. Overweight people are at greater risk of cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, cancer, type-II diabetes and other life-shortening ailments-though it is not yet clear whether the effects are strong enough to cancel the trend to greater longevity.
And life expectancy can go down as well as up. In much of eastern Europe it started dropping in the 1980s in response to the upheaval in the region, and despite a subsequent slight recovery it has still not regained the level of the 1960s.
People almost everywhere could extend their life spans further just by doing a few sensible things, such as not smoking, drinking only in moderation, eating lots of fruit and vegetables and taking regular exercise. Educated folk are better at keeping to such rules, and as a group they live markedly longer than those with only basic schooling. Richer people, unfairly, also live longer than less well-off ones, even in the developed world.
But all this is tinkering at the edges. Mankind's dream has been to conquer ageing altogether, and scientists are working on it. Spare-part surgery to replace worn-out bits of the anatomy is already well-established and will get better with the use of stem-cell technology. For a more general effect, experiments on rodents have shown that a severely restricted but balanced diet can increase their lifespan by about 30%. But nobody knows whether this would work in humans, and even if it did, there might be few takers.
The longer-term hope is to find a way of switching off the ageing process by manipulating the appropriate genes, which in theory could make people near-immortal £¨though they could still die of accidents and diseases£©. But if that were feasible, the consequences would need to be carefully thought through. In Jonathan Swift's "Gulliver's Travels", the hero meets a tribe of immortals, the Struldbruggs, who far from being wise and serene turn out to be a miserable lot: "Whenever they see a funeral, they lament and repine that others have gone to a harbour of rest to which they themselves never can hope to arrive."
Hale and hearty
People in the rich world can now expect to live, on average, more than a quarter of a century longer than they did 100 years ago. Is that a blessing or a Struldbruggian curse? Clearly it depends on whether they become old and frail at the same age as before and just limp on for much longer, or if the extra years are hale and hearty ones.
Most of the evidence supports the more cheerful view. Research led by Kenneth Manton at Duke University found that in recent years disability above the age of 65 in America has been falling significantly. In other rich countries the picture is more mixed. When the OECD recently looked at 12 member countries, it found clear signs of a recent decline in disability in elderly people in only five of them £¨including America£©. But other studies produced more optimistic results.
By and large, people do now seem to remain in good shape for longer. Moreover, the period of ill health that usually precedes the final goodbye has got shorter in the past few decades, which demographers call "compression of morbidity" £¨as a rule of thumb, the bulk of spending on an individual's health care is concentrated in the last year or two of life, and particularly in the final six months£©. This compression has a variety of causes, including the shift from manual to physically less demanding white-collar work, rising levels of education and much-improved health care and medical technology, from keyhole surgery to heart pacemakers. Eighty, it is said, is the new 65.
But even fairly fit older people need more health care than younger ones, not least because they often suffer from chronic diseases that are expensive to treat. In the EU, one estimate puts health-care spending on the elderly at about 30-40% of total health spending. So will the better health of an ageing population, good as it has been for so many, impose unaffordable costs on public-health budgets?
Over the past few decades all OECD countries have seen their health spending grow considerably faster than their economies. Ageing populations will add further momentum to that growth. Howard Oxley, a health-care expert at the OECD, reckons that increased spending on health and long-term care for the elderly could amount to an extra three-and-a-half percentage points of rich countries' GDP by the middle of the century-and a lot more if spending on medical technology continues to go up at current rates.
Measured by spending on health care as a share of GDP, America already tops the list, shelling out the equivalent of more than 15% of GDP £¨see chart 4£©. The American government's health-care spending will be hugely affected by ageing because of Medicare, the state-funded health-care programme for the elderly and disabled, and Medicaid, the programme for the poor £¨and often also old, because it covers long-term care£©.
President Barack Obama is determined to reform his country's health-care system to improve coverage and, eventually, drive down costs. More money does not always produce better results. People in America are less healthy and die sooner than in Britain, which proportionately spends little more than half as much on its health care. According to David Cutler, an economics professor at Harvard who has advised the president on the reform, even doctors believe that around 30% of money spent on health care in America is wasted.
Peter Orszag, head of the Office of Management and Budget, has recently been praising the work of a group of medical experts at Dartmouth Medical School, led by Elliott Fisher, which has been compiling an atlas of regional variations in American medical practice and health-care spending, mainly for people on the Medicare programme. It found that in 2006 Medicare spending varied more than threefold across American hospital referral regions. Again, higher spending does not seem to result in better care or greater patient satisfaction. Because the system has encouraged the provision of lots of doctors, specialists, hospitals and expensive diagnostic kit, all of them are kept busy without much regard to results.
The trouble with health care in America, says Muriel Gillick, a geriatrics expert at Harvard Medical School, is that people want to believe that "there is always a fix." She argues that the way Medicare is organised encourages too many interventions towards the end of life that may extend the patient's lifespan only slightly, if at all, and can cause unnecessary suffering. It would often be better, she thinks, not to try so hard to eke out a few more hours or weeks but to concentrate on quality of life.
Take care
But long before they get to that point, growing numbers of old people will become less able to look after themselves and need more care. Across the OECD, spending on long-term care is already equivalent to around 15% of total health spending and is rising fast. The great bulk of that care-an estimated 80%-is still provided by family and friends, the traditional source of support for the elderly. But more women are going out to work, so fewer of them have time to look after old folk and formal help is becoming increasingly important.
In most developed countries only a small minority of over-65s-between 3% and 6%-live in institutions. Keeping old people in nursing homes or hospitals is expensive, staff is hard to find, and in any case most people would much rather be looked after at home. Many countries are now providing grants to adapt homes, paying families for the care they provide and supplying helpers to give a hand with things like dressing and bathing.
With far more people reaching a great age, a lot more such care will be needed in future. How will it be paid for? A few far-sighted countries-including Germany, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Japan-have already introduced mandatory long-term-care insurance schemes. Others may have to follow.
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